The Twilight of the Gods: The Dissolution and Demise of the Old Norse Religion

To commemorate Grimfrost's 10th anniversary, this is the fifth in the series of blog posts by acknowledged academics about their chosen Viking Age subject. 

About the Author

Olof Sundqvist is a Professor of History of Religions at the Stockholm University. He is a specialist in Old Norse religion, with his research mainly focusing on ancient Scandinavian religion, particularly religious ruler ideology, cultic leaders, ceremonial buildings/sanctuaries, rituals, cosmology and myths, and also the theme of early runic inscriptions and religion. One of his great interests is related to different types of religious encounters, and he has explored subjects such as the encounter between the Roman cult of Mithras and the Germanic religion, which took place during the Roman Iron Age (c. 0–375 AD), as wells as the arrival of Christianity to pagan Scandinavia during the Viking Age.


The Twilight of the Gods: The Dissolution and Demise of the Old Norse Religion

Towards the end of the Viking Age, a religious transformation took place in the Nordic region, where the Old Norse religion was replaced by Christianity at a societal level. This transition likely involved a long and complex process, including various adaptations, adjustments, and changes.

The dissolution of the old religion occurred at different times in different places. The earliest areas to convert were likely parts of Denmark. King Harald Klak was baptized as early as 826 in Mainz, but Denmark's official conversion is often associated with Harald Bluetooth's baptism around 963. Old Norse sources report that Norway and Iceland officially converted around the year 1000, though even in Norway, Christianization occurred in various places at different times. The end of the indigenous religion in Sweden is often related to the destruction of the old sanctuary in Uppsala during the latter half of the 11th century. This famous cult site is mentioned as still existing in Adam of Bremen’s History of the Archbishops of Hamburg, dated to 1075. However, even in Sweden, the old religion disappeared at different times in different locations.

When this shift is described in scholarly literature, the term "Christianization" is often used, emphasizing the success of the victorious side. These studies frequently focus on the results of the transition, that is, descriptions of medieval Christianity and the new Christian society, while the processes within the fading religion typically receive less attention. The aim of my new study The Demise of Norse Religion. Dismantling and Defending the Old Order (2024) is to focus on Old Norse religion during the transition and describe the processes behind its dissolution and disappearance from public life. The study examines the questions of how and why the old religion disappeared, with particular emphasis on the role of the native kings in its dismantling. The study also addresses local resistance to Christianity.

 

Violent or peaceful religious shift?

The scholarly debate surrounding the religious shift in the Nordic region is polarized. (1) Some researchers argue that the old religion remained strong, creative, and vibrant until the end of its existence, viewing it as a fundamentally different type of religion compared to Christianity. They suggest that this encounter must have caused a dramatic clash. External factors, such as violence, coercion, and religious intolerance, forced people to abandon their old faith abruptly. (2) Other researchers emphasize that the religious transition was slow, gradual, and largely conflict-free. They argue that practitioners of the old religion were tolerant and had a great ability to incorporate new religious elements. Christian ideas and practices, they suggest, gradually seeped into Old Norse religion, eroding its vitality.

It seems that the differences between these theories stem from the methods and sources used by the researchers. Historians often emphasize conflict and violent shifts, supported by written sources, while archaeologists frequently highlight gradual adaptation and peaceful transitions, based on archaeological finds. To avoid the problematic generalizations of previous researchers, I use a contextual approach, where case studies relate to the Norwegian king Olav Tryggvason. The method is empirical and inductive, involving a careful examination of Norse and Latin texts, archaeological finds, and place names. My conclusion is that the strategies employed by missionary kings varied depending on specific contexts. The sources indicate that King Olav used violence during his mission in Trøndelag, as he had the military power to use such methods there. When the same king sought to Christianize Iceland, he used negotiations and decisions at the thing assembly as his missionary method, since a military operation was impossible there.

 

Monk speaks with warrior

The rulers' strategies for doing away with former religious practices and beliefs

In my study, I also ask what role the rulers had in the dismantling of the indigenous religion. The theoretical perspective is inspired by the American anthropologist Joel Robbins’ investigation of the Urapmin group in Papua New Guinea, where he noted how the indigenous population actively dismantled the religious traditions that had previously shaped their lives. Robbins argued that the disappearance of a religion can be seen as “something people actively do, rather than something that just happens.” This actor perspective, emphasizing indigenous agency in the process, fits well with the Northmen’s dismantling of the old religion, particularly regarding the role of Viking kings during this transition. In my opinion, the indigenous kings, and perhaps also queens, were the driving actors in this process alongside the churchmen. This so-called “top-down perspective” is not new in research, but it has often focused on the outcome, i.e., Christianization. I, however, focus on the processes behind the disappearance of the Norse religion.

According to available sources, it seems that the indigenous kings employed certain conscious methods or strategies to eradicate the old religion. It appears that they focused on certain aspects of the old religion that may have been vulnerable in the encounter with Christianity. The following five suggestions do not claim to be exhaustive, but they are well-documented in the sources:

(A )The Viking kings played an important ritual role during the calendrical sacrificial festivals. These rites were to follow a strict liturgical order, where the ruler also had to participate in certain rituals, such as drinking ceremonies and the communion meal. Through these sacrificial festivals, where the ruler’s ritual role was necessary, the cult community expected a gift in return from the gods, such as good harvests and peace, as evidenced by the formula til árs ok friðar “for good year growth and peace.” If the king did not participate in the communion meal or neglected the royal rites, the ritual was considered a failure. Several sources indicate that the early Christian kings sometimes refused to perform their ritual duties. According to Adam of Bremen, the Christian Swedish king, Anunder, refused to perform the prescribed sacrifice, probably at the sanctuary in Uppsala. He was therefore deposed and 'left the assembly in joy over having been deemed worthy to endure disgrace for the sake of Jesus' name.' King Inge Stenkilsson also employed the same method. We have several similar examples from Norway where Håkon the Good and Olav Tryggvason refused to sacrifice on behalf of the farmers. The sources testify that this refusal was a severe blow to those who clung to the old faith. This refusal can be interpreted as a deliberate method to dismantle the indigenous belief system.

(B) Another method employed by the missionary kings was the strategy of winning over the local chieftains to the new faith. In doing so, they could effectively eliminate the key and most driving forces of the old cult. The chieftains organized the public worship at local shrines, as there was a lack of a well-trained and professional priesthood. To persuade the chieftains to abandon their old religious roles, the kings sent out missionary bishops and priests to preach to them, but they also employed other methods, such as negotiations, court decisions, or violence. Chieftains who continued to organize the old cult could even be killed.

It has previously been claimed that our knowledge of the Christian missionaries’ preaching is limited, as we lack contemporary ecclesiastical sources that testify to it. However, the runologist Henrik Williams has shown that we have a church norm and confession preserved on the runestones. They contain Christian symbols, such as crosses, but also hundreds of prayers. Previous research has claimed that the Christian faith found on the runestones was primitive. Williams’ investigation shows that this conclusion is incorrect. He argues that nearly all of the established tenets found in the Apostolic and Nicene Creeds were known to the newly converted in the North, such as belief in the one God, Christ, the mother of God, the crucifixion, resurrection, and salvation of Christ. The runestones also testify to the significance of baptism, the forgiveness of sins, resurrection, and the afterlife. Thus, we can assume that these tenets were preached by the early Christian kings and their priests at gatherings and in halls during the late Viking Age.

Gifts were a common way to win over converts. Norwegian kings offered pagan chieftains large areas of land if they allowed themselves to be baptized. According to Norse sources, Olav the Holy distributed plots in Nidaros, and Sten Tesch has claimed, supported by archaeological finds, that the kings in Sigtuna did the same there. It seems that Sigtuna followed a deliberate city plan with plots along a main street where the king also had his estate. Christian nobles in the area could likely get land to stay temporarily in Sigtuna and also reflect on the king’s glory. One of the kings in Sigtuna also appears to have been generous and hosted a large feast attended by his friends. On a runestone found in Sigtuna, it says: “Marre(?) donated the ribs. He possesses the most property. ... The king is the best man(?). He owns the most property. He is generous.” The bone has previously been dated to 1100. The generous king could then be Inge Stenkilsson, who treated the wealthy and baptized farmers to feasts. However, the dating has been questioned, as the circumstances of the find suggest a later date, perhaps around 1200. The term konungr may refer to Knut Eriksson, who had interests in the Sigtuna area. We may anyhow conclude, that the eradication of religious leadership and the pagan cult organization appears to have been central to the missionary kings, and many sources testify to this.

(C) It seems that the missionary kings also had strategies for materially obliterating the indigenous religion. Sometimes, the kings allowed pagan cult buildings to be burned, cult images and other ritual paraphernalia to be destroyed. Several sources report that King Erik Bloodaxe and his Christian sons destroyed shrines in Norway in the mid-900s. The skald Einar Skálaglam praises Jarl Håkon for fighting a battle against the sons of Erik, who had desecrated the old shrines. It seems that the destruction of old cult places was important for the Christian kings.

(D) The medieval laws testify that legislation was used as a method by the crown and the church to prohibit indigenous religious traditions, such as animal sacrifices and the consumption of horse meat. Worship of gods and ancestors at shrines, burial mounds, and hargs was also forbidden. The intent behind these provisions was likely to eliminate popular religious customs that were still in use during the 1100s and 1200s. The provisions in the laws may also be obsolete relics from an earlier stage of the religious transition.

(E) The early Christian kings, together with the church, did everything to belittle the old gods and also to humiliate those who worshiped them. They even had various literary techniques to deprive the gods of their divine status, or to reinterpret them, such as euhemerism, demonology, and idol parody. Snorri Sturluson, for example, employed a euhemeristic interpretative method in his myth-writing, where the gods were transformed into ancient kings and heroes with human traits. By claiming that the old powers were mortal kings, he could neutralize the gods. Demonology was frequently applied by Christian authors, for instance in early chronicles and hagiographical texts written in Latin, but also in Norse kings' sagas. Idol parodies refer to a kind of ironic descriptions of the pagan god images. In these parodies, the missionary kings and the Christian heroes cut apart the heathens' cult images to pedagogically show the simple farmers that their idols are not real gods but merely empty figures. These stories were also told orally at gatherings, such as at assemblies or in the chieftain's hall. Although the early Christian kings wanted to eradicate the cult of the old gods, it seems they did not fully succeed. The memory of the old gods lingered long after the official conversion. However, when they were mentioned, the gods were often portrayed as ancient kings or as devils and demons.

The methods I have outlined likely represent a kind of chronology. The strategies employed in categories (A), (B), and perhaps (C) reflect a Christian king in an early phase of the change process, who cannot compete with the pagan power in question. The strategies used in (D) and (E) testify to a Christian ruler in a later phase who is on the same level as the pagan power or even stronger than it.

 

Wooden idols of Thor, Odin and Freyr as they could have looked like during the Viking Age.

Why rituals and religious leadership?

In the book, I also addressed why the kings employed the aforementioned methods. Why did the Christian powers focus specifically on religious leadership and the ritual aspects in the dismantling of the old religion? They could just as well have concentrated on the traditional worldview and belief system. The preserved mythical traditions in, for example, Snorri’s Edda, suggest that such ideas were well developed there. Was there an inherent vulnerability in the old cultic system that the Christian rulers had identified and therefore attacked? To answer that question, I will discuss some ideas developed by scholars who have used typologies of religion when discussing the transition of religions in the North.

Gro Steinsland has argued in several contexts that the Nordic religion and Christianity represent two different types of religion. The former can be classified as an “ethnic” and local “folk religion” based on cults, with a multitude of beliefs and rites, while the latter can be classified as a “universal, salvation religion” with a normative belief system and dogmas. A typical characteristic of ethnic religions, according to Steinsland, is that the religion is closely connected to a people and merges with the group’s culture. If you belong to the group, you are automatically also part of the religious community. Here, there is an orientation toward the collective. Universal religions can be practiced by basically any group of people and societies. They have a more individual basis since they are not tied to a specific religious community. According to Steinsland, this model explains why the encounter between religions in the North was so conflictual. The model also explains why Christianity ultimately emerged victorious. Like other “folk religions,” the traditional religion in Scandinavia was vulnerable at the encounter with the Christians because it lacked a priestly organization supported by a strong institution in society, which in turn was upheld by a power apparatus. The old religion was also fragile in its encounter with Christianity because it was tolerant of beliefs and easily adopted new ideas that were incorporated into the old tradition. That religion also lacked dogmas rooted in a holy scripture. In the encounter with Christianity, this appeared as a weakness.

Jens Peter Schjødt has further developed Steinsland’s ideas by bringing up Jan Assmann’s memory theories and the taxonomic distinction between primary and secondary religions, where the former can be distinguished from the latter because they lack a canonical text. Schjødt argues that the ancient Nordic religion, which was based on a multitude of oral traditions, can definitely be classified as a primary religion. He further claims that cultures without writing, like the ancient Nordic, remember their religion by continuously performing rituals. During these rituals, the “great stories” are actualized, for example, those that deal with creation or the end of the world. It was therefore no coincidence, Schjødt argues, that the Christian crown prohibited the very sacrifice festivals and the old rituals. In this way, the old religion was doomed to vanish from the memory of the Northmen. In a society without writing, the rituals exist only as long as they are continuously repeated. If for some reason the rituals change or cease to be performed, it is likely that they quickly fall into oblivion. Myths, on the other hand, are primarily conveyed through language. They can undergo various textual transformations and adaptations and thus remain despite changes in society, culture, and religion. Perhaps this is the main explanation for why the myths survived the religious shift in the North, while the knowledge of the rituals quickly fell into oblivion over a few generations.

Steinsland’s and Schjødt’s studies show that there were certain vulnerable areas within the ancient Nordic folk religion when it encountered universal Christianity. The lack of a priestly institution or authority that regulated the religious discourse was a significant reason for its fragility. There was also a lack of a canonical text to support the memory of the tradition. The tolerant and inclusive nature of the indigenous tradition also favored the Christian missionaries.

However, perhaps it was primarily pragmatism that was applied when choosing strategies and tactics to dismantle the old religion. Since the newly converted Christian kings could not change the worldview of the people, they did what they could, such as abandoning their own cultic roles or persuading local chieftains to give up their traditional duties. As the kings' power position strengthened, they could also attack the old shrines with violence and, at a later stage, prohibit traditional customs through laws, such as animal sacrifices and the consumption of horse meat. These methods and strategies also indicate where the vulnerabilities of the disappearing religion lay, that is, the weaknesses that explain why the ancient Nordic religion fell away at a public level in society when confronted with Christianity. The memory of the tradition existed in the cultic life and rituals, where the mythical stories were also actualized. By targeting the chieftains who organized the cult, destroying the sacred sites, and prohibiting everything related to sacrifice, they could effectively dissolve the old tradition. These aspects of the old religion were also more under the control of the kings and were central to the modus operandi of the pre-Christian religion. Since they could not prevent people from talking about the old gods, they focused on what could be influenced. It was easier to control what people did than what they thought, at least in the public sphere. However, on farms and in the private sphere, a kind of folk religiosity and old customs persisted well into the early modern period. In what is called lived religion, some older cult practices survived and integrated with popular and medieval Christianity. Perhaps certain post-Reformation practices, such as cults around springs and processions over fields with saint images, also have their roots in medieval syncretism.

Two famous jewellery from Viking Age Sweden; A Thor's Hammer amulet från Skåne and a crucifix from Birka.

Traces of pagan resistance

Some scholars argue that the process of religious change in places like Sweden was largely smooth and peaceful. However, sources show that not everyone was satisfied with this transition, as it affected people’s living conditions. In Sweden, a pagan rebellion occurred around 1080 when the Christian king Inge Stenkilsson was deposed at a thing meeting. His crime was actively working to dismantle the old faith. He had also refused to perform sacrifices on behalf of the Svear in Uppsala. Inge was replaced by his pagan brother-in-law Blotsven, who sacrificed to the gods in the traditional manner. However, three years later, Inge regained the throne and re-established Christianity. A similar pattern can be found in sources that recount the Christianization of Norway in the 10th century. King Håkon had received a Christian upbringing in England. When he assumed the kingship in Norway, he wanted to introduce Christianity to the country. However, he faced strong resistance from the powerful landowners in Trøndelag. They did not want to abandon their ancestors' faith and change their customs. Above all, they wanted the king to offer sacrifices to them in the traditional way, ensuring good harvests and peace. At a sacrificial feast in Mære, Håkon was forced to eat sacrificial meat and toast to the Norse gods. The dissolution of paganism in Trøndelag came later, when Olav Tryggvason and Olav Haraldsson forcefully Christianized the region.

In Iceland, the transition to Christianity occurred entirely peacefully, despite the presence of a pagan faction initially opposed to it. There were no kings in Iceland, but local chieftains ruled the country together at the Althing. In the year 1000, some Icelandic chieftains appeared at the Althing and advocated for Christianity. They managed to persuade the pagan law speaker to declare Christian law and faith in order to maintain peace in the country. The law speaker also introduced a compromise. People were allowed to continue eating horse meat and making sacrifices in secret, but if caught by witnesses, they were fined. Since decisions at the Althing held great legitimacy, the transition process was smooth, and pagan traditions gradually disappeared.

The pagan resistance to Christianity was not only about religion. For example, people feared that the social bonds would dissolve if the old customs and sacrificial feasts were abolished. There was also concern that the old law would cease and that the king, along with the Church, would gain too much power. According to the old law, the king was merely a primus inter pares, 'the first among equals.' Power rested in the thing assembly, where all free men had influence and could express their opinions. The thing could even jointly depose a king if he did not fulfill his duties. There was likely also fear that the Christian liturgical calendar would affect agriculture and other livelihoods, as people would have to fast and rest on Sundays and holy days. Thus, Christianity brought about profound changes in society and culture, which were not solely related to faith.

 

Viking Age combat

The ideological dimensions of the religious encounter

My study addresses a situation in which the Norse religion initially functioned as a tool for stability in the old society or even served as an instrument for the ruling power. When paganism was replaced by Christianity, the old religion became a religious counter-ideology for certain groups. To describe this process in a clearer and more in-depth manner, I have drawn some theoretical concepts from the American historian of religions, Bruce Lincoln.

Lincoln has developed a taxonomic conceptual apparatus concerning the functions of religions in various social and political contexts. The model has a Marxist approach and emphasizes the tensions between the dominant class and other groups in society. The dominant group needs an ideology that serves the interests of power, that is to say, themselves. Such an ideology can be provided by a religious discourse, which Lincoln calls “a religion of the status quo.” In addition to legitimizing those in power, this type of religion can also create social order, sanctioned by the religious discourse. Institutions, cult leaders, and ritual specialists within this type of religion oversee certain beliefs, narratives, and practices. These religious experts are financially supported by the ruling power. The relationship between them and the dominant elite is mutually beneficial, as the former group communicates the ideology of the latter to the masses. This is why the elite is willing to support these institutions financially.

In Viking societies, there were myths and rituals that underpinned political power. Kings and jarls could, for instance, be seen in poems and narratives as the offspring of the gods. They could also be the necessary link in the communication between humans and the gods. Local chieftains and poets conveyed this ideology to the people, thereby benefiting the power while being invited to the grand feasts of the nobles in their hall buildings. They were rewarded there for their praise poems, for example, with precious gifts. It can be described as a reciprocal client system. After the religious shift, Christianity became the new status-quo religion, with an ideology that supported the privileged groups. This ideology was gradually communicated by a professional priesthood (Latin sacerdotes) that served the interests of the elite.

In societies where the dominant faction is supported by a status-quo religion, the goal is “ideological hegemony.” Such hegemony is in reality impossible to achieve. There are always groups dissatisfied with the ideology of power. These resistance groups also need an ideology that is completely different from that propagated by the followers of the status-quo religion. When such an ideology is formulated in religious terms, it can, according to Lincoln, be considered a “religion of resistance.” The groups that encompass such an ideology generally do not seek followers outside the local group or beyond the social environment in which they grow. Their purpose is primarily to preserve their own tradition, survive, and defend the old society. It is difficult to grasp common traits among these groups, and the historical examples exhibit a wide variation. They can express themselves in opposite ways: some groups are militant, while others are pacifists; some are ascetic while others are orgiastic. Through their refusal to accept the ideology of power, they pose a constant threat to the dominant classes in society. Even though members of resistance religions are generally recruited from lower social strata, their leaders often belong to a marginalized elite or “intelligentsia.” Sometimes they possess “charismatic traits,” where their authority rests on revelations or religious visions. Rituals that promote group solidarity are important, such as communal meals. These rituals are often “spectacular” and include ecstatic and violent acts, such as bloody sacrifices. They are modeled in such a way that they clearly deviate from the rites that occur in the status-quo religion.

“Resistance religions” can, according to Lincoln, also develop into a “revolutionary religion.” Although these two categories are quite similar regarding values, ethics, membership, leadership, and ritual, there are also some crucial differences. “Resistance religions” define themselves by applying religious ideas, values, and practices that oppose the status-quo religion, while “revolutionary religions” challenge the ruling elite per se, not just its religious forms and expressions. They also promote violent actions against the ruling classes and are more militant in their ideology than “resistance religions.” Quite often, they include strong eschatological beliefs. Social, political, and economic dysfunctions in society are seen as signs of the dissolution of the previous unjust era, and a new and more just time is predicted to take over. However, it is not uncommon for a “resistance religion” in the process of becoming a “revolutionary religion” to collapse and completely disappear due to failure to formulate a new theory of political legitimacy that surpasses the elite’s ideology. The resistance religion must also overcome its insular character and recruit supporters from across society to survive. If it is successful, the radical elements will gradually disappear, and it can then become a new status-quo religion.

Lincoln’s model can somewhat illuminate the transitional process in Scandinavia. The new Christian monarchy managed to formulate a Christian ideology that outmaneuvered the ideology of the pagan power. They succeeded in broadly recruiting new members without limiting themselves to certain regions or social strata. Christianity soon became the new status-quo religion, while the old religion became a resistance religion with revolutionary elements. Sources indicate that the Christian kings were attacked both verbally and physically by the supporters of the old religion. The Christian power was attacked by pagan cult leaders who wanted to reinstate the old customs, as in the case of Blótsveinn. According to Orkneyinga saga, he took on the role of pagan king and sacrificed on behalf of the Svear, probably at the old cult site in Uppsala. In Hervarar saga and the Legend of Eskil it is stated that this rebellious group practiced bloody sacrifices, that is, rites that the Christians hated.

Undoubtedly, there were also eschatological elements, including militant features, in the old religious ideology that were activated among these resistance groups. Some poets in the circle around Jarl Håkon used such motifs in their tribute poems to the jarl as he fought against the Christian Erik sons, who had desecrated the old cult sites. The poem Vellekla describes the paradisiacal conditions that prevailed during Jarl Håkon’s reign, where the jarl’s deeds and restorations take on cosmic dimensions. By restoring the pagan cult and the sanctuaries, the jarl transformed the misery in Norway into a mythical paradise similar to the depiction in Völuspá after Ragnarök, when the earth is reborn, whole and pure, and also flourishes. Jarl Håkon is seen in this context as a savior and a creator of prosperity and wealth. These mythical allusions in Vellekla were likely used to create authority and legitimacy. It encompassed the idea that as long as the ruler maintains the traditional sacrificial cult and protects the sacred sites, the divine forces will assist the people, society, and the old tradition. The resistance movement in Norway collapsed after Jarl Håkon was killed. After the militant mission carried out by Olav Tryggvason and Olav Haraldsson, Christianity was definitely the religion of the status quo.

Further reading:

Sundqvist, Olof. 2021. “The Role of Rulers in the Winding Up of the Old Norse Religion”. In Numen 68 (2021): 272–297.

Sundqvist, Olof. 2024. The Demise of Norse Religion. Dismantling and Defending the Old Order. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter.

 

About the images:

Featured image and picture: Thor's Hammer by Gabriel Hildebrand, Historiska museet/SHM. Birka Crucifix, Historiska museet/SHM. Objects not accurately sized in relation to eachother.

Picture of the author: Photo by Niklas Björling

Picture of monk speaking with warrior: From the documentary "Viking Religion" by Grimfrost.

Picture of Viking Age combat: Photo by Grimfrost

Picture of wooden gods: Photo by Grimfrost

 


4 comments


  • Ronald Radloff

    I found the article very interesting. Now you’ve done it though now I’m going to have to read more I found it raising certain curiosities and I’m going to have to read more about the entire subject thank you very much for bringing this to my attention and to others I appreciate your work thank you again


  • Alisha

    Yes
    👍 👍👍👍👍


  • Tom Haluszczak

    Excellent discussion. Well balanced and objective. Essential reading for all who seek to understand the old ways. Many thanks.


  • Jasper Loman

    Very interesting, thank you!


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